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Question Everything!

Question Everything!

This blog does not promote

This blog does not promote, support, condone, encourage, advocate, nor in any way endorse any racist (or "racialist") ideologies, nor any armed and/or violent revolutionary, seditionist and/or terrorist activities. Any racial separatist or militant groups listed here are solely for reference and Opinions of multiple authors including Freedom or Anarchy Campaign of conscience.

MEN OF PEACE

MEN OF PEACE
"I don't know how to save the world. I don't have the answers or The Answer. I hold no secret knowledge as to how to fix the mistakes of generations past and present. I only know that without compassion and respect for all Earth's inhabitants, none of us will survive - nor will we deserve to." Leonard Peltier

Thursday, June 27, 2019

The Real Reason the Deep State Hates Russia… And What it Means for Gold

The Real Reason the Deep State Hates Russia… And What it Means for Gold


For years, the Deep State in the US—the permanently entrenched bureaucracy that runs the show no matter which party is in power—has labelled Russia “public enemy number one.”
To help us better understand the situation we’re turning to Doug Casey’s friend, Mark Gould.
Mark is an executive for a company in the oil industry, also working on several media projects. He also has 30 years of experience in Russian telecommunications as co-founder of CTC Media (previously NASDAQ:CTCM); and afterwards pioneering digital compression for TV (the core technology for video streaming) on the Soviet Satellite system, Moscow Global. Mark currently lives in Moscow.
International Man: Naturally, Americans have a lot of misconceptions about Russia. And that’s what we want to help clear up today. The importance of Russia to world affairs is simply too important to ignore or to not understand properly.
Also, this perception gap about Russia could be key to finding interesting investment opportunities—particularly in the natural resources space—that are off the radar of the mainstream financial media.
John McCain used to call Russia a gas station masquerading as a country. This is a childish and overly simplistic characterization. Others in the US media and government have made similar comments. What does the mainstream image of Russia get wrong?
Mark Gould: The US perspective is stuck in the 1960s and even earlier, going back to the 19th century.
Russia is a unique society. It’s a normal place, operating under its own rules and customs. Viewing it through the prism of the Soviet past is not concurrent with present realities. Russia is an independent state that has its own concerns, people, leaders, and problems just like America does. And the people are patriotic and so is the president.
Russia is charting its own path. It doesn’t want to be under the thumb of the IMF or the World Bank.
Americans think that Russians are warlike or devious, because they’re mixed Eurasian. But what they really are is descended from the Viking Rus that swept down from northern Europe all the way to Kiev and then founded Moscow in the 9th century.
So, it’s a group-oriented society, as the Vikings were. Despite the image of Vikings as warlike and terrible, they really weren’t. They were traders. Everybody pillaged, raped, and stole, but there’s also a lot of trading going on—despite what TV shows want to say it was all about.
It’s a real modern, upwardly mobile society. This whole image of oligarchs and kleptocrats, that really is a thing of the past. The overall ambiance would be shocking to most Americans. There are fancier and better restaurants, better fashions, beautiful women, less out-of-shape people, and so forth.
International Man: What makes the Deep State in the US so hostile to Russia?
Mark Gould: Conceptually and politically, sanctions don’t work as a political solution or a diplomatic solution.
It’s an international insult to suspend a fellow member of the G8 for an internal matter in what Russia considers its near-abroad the same way the US considers Cuba or Nicaragua its near-abroad. I’m referring to the situation with Crimea.
Whenever you screw around with another country’s access to the sea, it means war. Always. Not 99% of the time, not 98% of the time, but 100% of the time.
In 1965, Khrushchev gave back Crimea to Ukraine when he was drunk and likely because he had governed Ukraine under Stalin. In 2010 Ukraine extended Russia’s lease until 2042 for its Black Sea Fleet centered in the port city of Sevastopol in Crimea, which gives Russia access from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean and thus to the Atlantic.
Leaving Crimea in the hands of a hostile power is like a knife to Russia’s throat. And Russia responded accordingly.
NATO was looking for a reason to justify its continued existence after the end of World War II and after the end of the Cold War. And if you think there weren’t CIA operatives and State Department operatives fomenting for Ukraine to join NATO, you’re naïve.
International Man: Is there any hope for better relations, or are relations likely to get worse? And what are the consequences of that?
Mark Gould: I don’t think it’s going to get better fast. I think neoliberals and neoconservatives are the bane of existence of mankind, especially with the two-party system in America. So, I’m not sanguine about it at all.
I do not see it getting better unless some enlightened individual gets into office in the US and actually does the bold things that need to be done, and that is: End the sanctions, get back in communication, recognize that Russia has a human face, and let it rejoin the G8.
And don’t be afraid of the rise of Russia. It’s a normal thing.
I’m saying all that in the face of the fact that the entrenched military-industrial complex wants war, and I think a series of wars. In my entire life as an American, I think there’s maybe been eight years that there haven’t been wars. And that’s absurd.
Frankly, if you want to talk about the only adult in the room… Vladimir Putin is the only adult in the room.
A lot has been made about his being part of the KGB.
But the same people who complain about that don’t make a peep about George H.W. Bush, who was head of the CIA.
International Man: The Central Bank of Russia has been the world’s largest buyer of gold in recent years. What do they see coming, and what are they preparing for?
Mark Gould: Russia is hedging its bets. That’s my simple answer.
If you go back in history a little bit, you can get the Russian perspective on gold.
The Russian ruble has always been backed by gold. It’s not a new idea. And Russia has more reserves in gold that backs the currency than almost any other country.
Russia is also the world’s largest producer of oil; it’s the second largest producer of natural gas; it’s number two in sunflower oil.
Kicking Russia out of SWIFT or doing anything like that would be basically cutting off your nose to spite your own face. The US government would be complete idiots to do that.
Money is an idea backed by confidence, and gold has held that for many years for many people and for many countries.
Russia is hedging its bets. It’s building its own trade alliances. For example, recently Russia signed a deal with Huawei, the Chinese company that’s been banned from American markets.
International Man: Russia has been building alternatives to Western-dominated systems. This includes measures to protect itself from sanctions involving the US financial system, an alternative to the SWIFT system, alternative trade deals with other BRICS countries, the Eurasian Economic Union, and integration with China’s New Silk Road program. Where do you see this trend going?
Mark Gould: Well I think it’s going to continue.
Russia is building alliances; who doesn’t? To expect Russia not to look after its own economic self-interest is absurd. It’s the same thing the US or the UK or France or Indonesia do.
Russia’s building alliances with those countries—especially BRICS countries—that have a similar perspective.
I think the trend is going to continue. I don’t think it’s a hostile thing toward the US. Russia is just doing what it considers necessary to survive.
And US perspective is, “You don’t have any right to do that, because we are the arbiters of what is fair and correct in national self-interest for the world.” And that’s a pretty arrogant perspective.
So, I don’t see Russia disappearing or growing smaller. The US sanctions are actually encouraging the development of the agricultural, high-tech, and other aspects of the Russian economy.
International Man: By many valuation metrics, Russia is one of the cheapest markets in the world. What investment opportunities do you see in Russia?
Mark Gould: Mark Feldman is a friend and one of the partners in the Standard Capital Group in Moscow.
I asked him the other day, “What is your number-one recommendation to invest in?”
He said, “That’s an easy one. Russian government bonds.”
And then afterward he said, “Commodity-producing assets.”
Russian gold companies can be bought for four to five times EBITDA.
Or real estate, or retailers. You can still buy those at four to five times EBITDA also.
There’s only one public real estate company in Russia, called PIK; they build apartment buildings.
And there is Petropavlovsk, a publicly traded Russian gold company. All of these companies are good buys in this market.
International Man: Is there anything else you would like to add in regard to investing in Russia.
Mark Gould: The time to invest is when it’s still a mystery, and Russia has been a mystery way before Churchill came up with his, “Russia’s a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma.”
Going back to Voltaire, it was still a mystery. And Communism just made it even more confusing.
But the bottom line is that the right time to invest is while it’s still a mystery. If you come here, it’s like riding on a bus. You get on the bus, you get off the bus, and your eyes are opened. You go, “Oh my god, who knew you would find superstores bigger than any IKEA or Costco you’ve ever seen in America? Or that they run for blocks and blocks and blocks?”
The time is now. It’s not tomorrow, it’s now.
Reprinted with permission from International Man.



Is Doomsday Clock Down to Two Minutes?

Is Doomsday Clock Down to Two Minutes?

A transcript of the Lew Rockwell Show with Peter Kuznick.


Rockwell:  Well good morning.  This is the Lew Rockwell Show.  And it’s great to have as our guest this morning Professor Peter Kuznick.  Dr. Kuznick is professor of history at American University in Washington.  He was the founder and he’s the director of the Nuclear Studies Institute at American University.  Author of many books.  Most famously, outside of academia, anyway, his participation in Oliver Stone’s 10-episode series on The Untold History of the United States and co-author of the book that came out from that series.   Both of these things, I must say, extraordinary, extraordinary work.
Professor, you’re a part of the abolition of nuclear weapons, thank goodness.  You’ve devoted much of your life’s work to what happened in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and trying to prevent other things like that from taking place.  What are you feeling about our — I know the bullet of the atomic scientists, it seems to me they always have the hand about to go to midnight.
Kuznick:  Yes.
Rockwell:  Do you feel that’s the case, as what Trump is doing with Russia or has been doing with Russia?  A very scary business.
Kuznick:  You know, it’s interesting.  Oliver Stone and I just put out the new edition of our book.
Rockwell:  Oh.  Magnificent.
Kuznick:  It just came out.  And we added a 160-page chapter on the end of Obama and the Trump administration.  And what we did was we looked at the way the world was at the end of 2012, when our first book came out.  And that one was more than 750 pages.  The current one is over 900 pages.
Rockwell:  Wow.
Kuznick:  But in late 2012, the world was pretty messed up but the hands of the Doomsday Clock were at eight minutes before midnight.  The big issue was America’s missile defense systems.  The tension between the U.S. and Russia was much, much less than it is now.  The tension between the U.S. and China was much less.
And so if you look at what’s happened in the last six-plus years, when we published our original book to when we came out with the new one, the world has gotten incredibly more hostile, more dangerous.  We’ve gone from the Doomsday Clock being eight minutes before midnight to being two minutes before midnight.  We’ve got Russia doing its biggest war games since the Cold War.  The United States and NATO conducting their biggest war games since the Cold War.  Tremendous tensions between the U.S. and Russia, the worst relationship in decades; the U.S. and China.  The situation with Iran is now again facing a crisis.  The Korean situation is certainly better than it was in late 2017 but is in no way resolved and again ready to blow up at any point.  And not just the U.S. and Russia and China, but we’ve also got the problems between India and Pakistan, which again almost went to war.  They were both bombing each other’s countries again very, very recently.  So the world is looking pretty shaky right now.
So for me, the number-one priority is certainly the nuclear threat.  I approach these things from the standpoint of the existential crisis.  And the major existential crisis for life on our planet right now is still the threat of nuclear war and nuclear annihilation.
But in the long run, we’ve also been threatened with climate catastrophe.  We can get into that, too.
So I think that the world right now is looking very, very bleak, the world situation.  There is no leader and no leaders anywhere who are really speaking for the planet.  You’ve got Trump talking about making American great again and Putin making Russia great again and Xi making China great again and Modi making India great again.  I mean, you’ve got these pygmies at a time when we need some real noble statesmen who are terribly lacking right now.  And so I am very concerned.  And the nuclear threat does keep me up at night.
Rockwell:  You know, to go back to something that you’ve devoted a lot of scholarly work to, the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, do most Americans still think those were necessary, that those were actually good things when Truman did that?
Kuznick:  Well, you know, that’s hard to determine.  But the latest poll that I’ve seen was a poll a couple of years ago conducted by CBS News.  And that had 43 percent opposing the use of the atomic bombs –
Rockwell:  Oh.
Kuznick:  – and 42 percent supporting it.  Most of the surveys over the years have been something more in the range of 55/45 in favor of the bomb.  But this latest one was much more encouraging.
We know that among women and among younger people there’s greater opposition to the use of the bomb.  It’s mostly the older Americans who continue to accept the mythology surrounding the bomb.  Which Obama doubled down on when he went to Hiroshima.  I had been calling for Obama to go to Hiroshima since the time he got elected.  And he finally, in May of 2016, decided to go.  I was there also at that time.  NHK, Japanese public television, brought me over there to do some shows and commentary while Obama was there.  And Obama, if you remember this speech, his opening line was, “Death fell from the skies in Hiroshima and Nagasaki.”  Death didn’t fall from the sky!  The United States dropped two atomic bombs!
Rockwell:  Yes.
Kuznick:  But then he goes on and he says, “We must look history straight in the eye.”  And he says, “World War II reached its brutal end in Hiroshima and Nagasaki.”  That’s the prevailing myth.  That’s the myth that they’ve been doubling down on since 1945, the idea that the atomic bombs were terrible but they were necessary in order to end the war without a U.S. invasion.  Nonsense.  The invasion was not going to happen.
It wasn’t even the atomic bombs that ended the war.  It was the Soviet invasion of Manchuria and Japan — or the beginning — the surrounding islands.  And as Prime Minister Suzuki says — I think it was August 10 when he was asked why we had to have a surrender so quickly and end the war, he says, “The Russians, the Soviets were already in the Sakhalin, the Kuril Islands.  They’ll be in Hokkaido tomorrow.  When that happens, the foundation of Japan will be destroyed.  We must surrender when we can surrender to the Americans.”  Because they knew that with Americans there was at least a chance that they would be able to keep the emperor.
But the reality is that American policy makers had known that there were two ways to end the war without the bomb.  The first was to ensure the Japanese that they could keep the emperor, which we wanted to do anyway for our own purposes.  Although, Jimmy Byrnes, secretary of state, was opposed to that and convinced Truman that he would be politically crucified if he let the Japanese keep the emperor.  Nobody complained when it finally happened, when we did let them keep the emperor.  And secondly, we knew that the Soviet invasion was going to break the backs of the Japanese resistance.  American intelligence had been saying that for months, as had the Japanese themselves in some of the intercepted cables.  The Japanese Supreme War Council met on May 16th and said that invasion of Japan by the Soviet Union will spell the end of the Japanese Empire.
So we knew that.  Truman knew that.  In fact, Truman refers to the intercepted July 18th telegram as the telegram from the Jap emperor asking for peace.  Truman says he went to Potsdam to make sure that the Soviets were coming in.  And he meets with Stalin, has lunch with Stalin; Stalin assures him that the Soviets are coming in on time.  And Truman writes in his journal, “Stalin will be in the Jap war by August 15th.  Finis, Japs, when that occurs.”  He writes home to his wife, Bess, the next night and says, “The Russians are coming in.  We’ll end the war a year sooner now.  Think of all the kids who won’t be killed.”  And Truman knew this.
So the question for historians really is, knowing that the bombs were militarily unnecessary and morally unjustifiable, why did the United States decide to use them.  And the conclusion that I and others have drawn is that the real target was not Japan.  The real target was the Soviet Union.  We were saying to the Soviets, if you interfere with U.S. plans in Europe or the Pacific, this is what you’re going to get and worse, much, much worse.
Rockwell:  Wow.  And of course, I remember the Chicago Tribune leaked this, that the Japanese were trying to surrender, if only they could keep the emperor and not have him tried as a war criminal and keep him, which as you point out, the U.S. eventually went along with that, and yet refused to accept their offer of surrender, so.
Kuznick:  And one of the things that you probably know, but a lot of listeners don’t, is that the United States had eight five-star admirals and generals in 1945.  Seven of the eight are on the record saying that the atomic bombs were either militarily unnecessary, morally reprehensible, or both.  Admiral Leahy, the chair of the meetings of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and was Truman’s personal chief of staff, said, “This puts us on the moral level of the barbarians of the Dark Ages.” 
But the Americans, one of our myths, a key anchor in our sense of American exceptionalism, is the idea that somehow this was a moral act because it prevented an invasion in which Truman says a half million American boys would have been killed.  It was not.  And it was instrumental in starting the Cold War and began the nuclear arms race.  The scientists, many of them – the Frank Committee, at the University of Chicago Met Lab, had argued against dropping the bomb, even if it would be militarily advantageous, they said, because it could lead to an uncontrollable arms race that could threaten the future of mankind.  And that’s what happened.  We’re lucky to have survived it.
You know, we look at what’s going on now, there’s about 14,000 nuclear weapons left now, 93% controlled by the U.S. and Russia.  But by the mid ‘80s, it had gotten close to 70,000.  I take my students every summer to Hiroshima and Nagasaki, a study abroad class.  And I would find myself, year after year, writing down the same statistic at the Atomic Bomb Museum in Hiroshima that, by 1985, the world had accumulated the equivalent of 1.47 million Hiroshima bombs.  How insane do we have to be?  How many times do we have to be able to kill everybody on the planet before we’re satisfied?
Rockwell:  It’s actually astounding.  Is it just evil?  Are they power mad?  I mean, do you have an explanation or is it just the nature of the state and the imperial state?  What is it?
Kuznick:  I think all of the above.  And there’s a certain kind of – Freud, in his wonderful, beautiful but depressing 1929 book talks about the death instinct.  I mean, why, as a species, do we spend so much more perfecting the means of killing and destruction, the lethality of our weapons, than we do on trying to find peace and economic development and solving the world’s problems?  Why do we have a War Department – now we call it Defense Department – and not a Peace Department?  I mean, why do we not spend any money or any effort or – you know, we put so much of our intelligence and resources devoted to perfecting the means of killing.  It doesn’t make any sense from a human standpoint.
There’s certainly profits to be made.  And we understand, unfortunately, why those who were called the Merchants of Death after World War I, the arms merchants, the arms manufacturers, might want to profit from death.  You know, every time one of those drones goes off, every time a bomb is dropped, every time we have military exercises, that’s putting money into the pockets of some of the most ugly, greedy bastards on this planet.
Rockwell:  You know, I thought it was interesting, just the other day, when Trump was, I think, giving an interview to FOX News, where he said, there is such a thing as the Military Industrial Complex and, in effect, I tried to bring all the troops out of Syria and they wouldn’t let me.
Kuznick:  Well, he’s got the power.  He could risk some of his capital on that.
You know, Trump sometimes says intelligent things when it comes to the military and U.S. interventions and wars but his actions are almost entirely the opposite.  The huge military budget, the official budget, what, $760 million, record breaking.  Record breaking arms sales across the planet by the United States.  Massive war games.  You know, so Trump maybe somewhere in that pea brain of his understands this but certainly has not acted in a responsible way as president.
And why would he choose people like Pompeo and Bolton –
Rockwell:  Ah!
Kuznick:  – to be his closest advisers?
Rockwell:  Yes.  I must say, it’s quite astounding.  I think we have to think that he knows what he’s doing, or who knows.  I suppose it’s possible for people to be caught up in this stuff.  Or that he was just lying in all of his campaign promises, unlike those other politicians.
(LAUGHTER)
Kuznick:  But Trump doesn’t lie.  We know that.
(LAUGHTER)
Rockwell:  So it’s an alarming business.  And you mentioned war games.  The Russians have their war games in their own territory.  We have our war games right on their borders.
Kuznick:  Yes, right on the border.
Rockwell:  Which is a very threatening business.  So it’s astounding.
But I want to thank you so much for the work you do, for the students you teach, for the truths you tell, and for the books you’ve written.  And of course, we’ll be sure to link to the new edition of yours and Oliver Stone’s book.
Kuznick:  Great.  Appreciate that.
Rockwell:  And thanks so much for coming on.  And again, thanks for the work you do.
Kuznick:  My pleasure.  Thanks.  Thank you, Lew, also.  Take care.
Rockwell: Well, thanks so much for listening to the Lew Rockwell Show today.  Take a look at all of the podcasts.  There have been hundreds of them.  There’s a link on the LRC front page.  Thank you.

Will US Elites Give Détente With Russia a Chance?

Will US Elites Give Détente With Russia a Chance?

The Trump-Putin meeting in Japan is crucial for both leaders—and for the world.


Despite determined attempts in Washington to sabotage such a “summit,” as I reported previously, President Trump and Russian President Putin are still scheduled to meet at the G-20 gathering in Japan this week. Iran will be at the top of their agenda. The Trump administration seems determined to wage cold, possibly even hot, war against the Islamic Republic, while for Moscow, as emphasized by the Kremlin’s national security adviser, Nikolai Patrushev, on June 25, “Iran has been and will be an ally and partner of ours.”
Indeed, the importance of Iran (along with China) to Russia can hardly be overstated. Among other reasons, as the West’s military alliance encroaches ever more along Russia’s western borders, Iran is a large, vital non-NATO neighbor. Still more, Teheran has done nothing to incite Russia’s own millions of Muslim citizens against Moscow. Well before Trump, powerful forces in Washington have long sought to project Iran as America’s primary enemy in the Middle East, but for Moscow it is a necessary “ally and partner.”
In normal political circumstances, Trump and Putin could probably diminish any potential US-Russian conflict over Iran—and the one still brewing in Syria as well. But both leaders come to the summit with related political problems at home. For Trump, they are the unproven but persistent allegations of “Russiagate.” For Putin, they are economic.
As I have also previously explained, while there was fairly traditional “meddling,” there was no “Russian attack” on the 2016 American presidential election. But for many mainstream American commentators, including the editorial page editor of The Washington Post, it is an “obvious truth” and likely to happen again in 2020, adding ominously that Trump is still “cozying up to the chief perpetrator, Russian President Vladimir Putin.” A New York Times columnist goes further, insisting that Russia “helped to throw the election” to Trump. Again, there is no evidence whatsoever for these allegations. Also consider the ongoing assault on Attorney General William Barr, whose current investigation into the origins of “Russiagate” threatens to conclude that the scandal originated not with Russia but with US intelligence agencies under President Obama, in particular with the CIA under John Brennan.
We should therefore not be surprised, despite possible positive national security results of the Trump-Putin summit in Japan, if the US president is again widely accused of “treason,” as he so shamefully was following his meeting with Putin in Helsinki in July 2018, and as I protested at that time. Even the Times’ once-dignified columnist pages thundered, “Trump, Treasonous Traitor” and “Putin’s Lackey,” while senior US senators, Democrat and Republican alike, did much the same.
Putin’s domestic problem, on the other hand, is economic and social. Russia’s annual growth rate is barely 2 percent, real wages are declining, popular protests against officialdom’s historically endemic corruption are on the rise, and Putin’s approval rating, while still high, is declining. A public dispute between two of Putin’s advisers has broken out over what to do. On the one side is Alexei Kudrin, the leading monetarist who has long warned against using billions of dollars in Russia’s “rainy day” funds to spur investment and economic growth. On the other is Sergei Glaziev, a kind of Keynesian, FDR New Dealer who has no less persistently urged investing these funds in new domestic infrastructure that would, he argues, result in rapid economic growth.
During his nearly 20 years as Kremlin leader, Putin has generally sided with the “rainy day” monetarists. But on June 20, during his annual television call-in event, he suddenly, and elliptically, remarked that even Kudrin “has been drifting towards” Glaziev. Not surprisingly, many Russian commentators think this means that Putin himself is now “leaning toward Glaziev.” If so, it is another reason why Putin has no interest in waging cold war with the United States—why he wants instead, indeed even needs, a historic, long-term détente.
It seems unlikely that President Trump or any of the advisers currently around him understand this important struggle—and it is a struggle—unfolding in the Russian policy elite. But if Trump wants a major détente (or “cooperation,” as he has termed it) with Russia, anyone who cares about international security and about the well-being of the Russian people should support him in this pursuit. Especially at this moment, when we are told by the director of the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research that “the risks of the use of nuclear weapons…are higher now than at any time since World War Two.”
This commentary is based on Stephen F. Cohen’s most recent weekly discussion with the host of The John Batchelor Show. Now in their sixth year, previous installments are at TheNation.com.
Reprinted with the author’s permission.

Stephen F. Cohen

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