FREEDOM OR ANARCHY,Campaign of Conscience.

Joseph F Barber | Create Your Badge
This blog does not promote, support, condone, encourage, advocate, nor in any way endorse any racist (or "racialist") ideologies, nor any armed and/or violent revolutionary, seditionist and/or terrorist activities. Any racial separatist or militant groups listed here are solely for reference and Opinions of multiple authors including Freedom or Anarchy Campaign of conscience.

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The Free Thought Project,The Daily Sheeple & FREEDOM OR ANARCHY Campaign of Conscience are dedicated to holding those who claim authority over our lives accountable. “Each of us has a unique part to play in the healing of the world.”
“Every record has been destroyed or falsified, every book rewritten, every picture has been repainted, every statue and street building has been renamed, every date has been altered. And the process is continuing day by day and minute by minute. History has stopped. Nothing exists except an endless present in which the Party is always right.” - George Orwell, 1984

"Until the philosophy which holds one race superior and another inferior is finally and permanently discredited and abandoned, everywhere is war and until there are no longer first-class and second-class citizens of any nation, until the color of a man's skin is of no more significance than the color of his eyes. And until the basic human rights are equally guaranteed to all without regard to race, there is war. And until that day, the dream of lasting peace, world citizenship, rule of international morality, will remain but a fleeting illusion to be pursued, but never attained... now everywhere is war." - - Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia - Popularized by Bob Marley in the song War

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The right to tell the Government to kiss my Ass Important Message for All Law Enforcers Freedom; what it is, and what it is not. Unadulterated freedom is an unattainable goal; that is what the founders of America knew and understood, which was their impetus behind the documents that established our great nation. They also knew that one of the primary driving forces in human nature is the unconscious desire to be truly free. This meant to them that mankind if totally left completely unrestricted would pursue all things in life without any awareness or acknowledgement of the consequences of his/her own actions leaving only the individual conscience if they had one as a control on behavior. This would not bode well in the development of a great society. Yet the founders of America chose to allow men/women as much liberty as could be, with minimum impact on the freedom or liberties of others

Wednesday, May 4, 2016

Denationalizing Our Politics Would Help Draw Us Together

Denationalizing Our Politics Would Help Draw Us Together


Nationalism and socialism are in full gallop in America today while conservatives are without a horse.
Donald Trump almost never uses the language of traditional American conservatism, with its emphasis on classically liberal notions of limited government, constitutionalism, individualism and free trade. He prefers to talk about “strength” and “winning” while vowing to restore the “greatness” of yesteryear through his indomitable will.
Meanwhile, the Democratic Party is embracing socialism. Hillary Clinton doesn’t call herself a socialist the way her tormentor-competitor Bernie Sanders does, but Sanders has not only pulled her to the left, he’s revealed the heart’s desire of the activist base of the party. Still, even without Sanders' influence, Clinton’s worldview was always that of top-down technocracy.
Indeed, this is what unites Clintonism, Sandersism and Trumpism: the idea that the government in Washington is too weak. Get the right person in the White House and they’ll fix all our problems by bringing the malefactors to heel. They also all believe, as Trump says about health care, that the federal government has to “take care of everybody.”
All of these ideas and impulses have popular support. Millennials, recent polls show, are remarkably cool to capitalism and dismayingly receptive to socialism. The demographic base of the GOP — older white voters — agrees with Trump that entitlements should be left alone.
Much of the emotional strength of these appeals rests on the notion that America should be one large national community. (See Clinton’s book, “It Takes a Village.”) This, too, is Barack Obama’s worldview, on display since his 2004 Democratic convention speech about moving past red states and blue states. Obama’s second inaugural described a country in which the only two relevant actors are the individual and the state, with no institutions in between.
Given the hollowing out of civil society — caused by family breakdown, economic dislocation, declining volunteerism and church attendance, and the growth of the welfare state — documented by social scientists like my American Enterprise Institute colleague Charles Murray and Harvard’s Robert Putnam, it shouldn’t be surprising that millions of Americans are looking to Washington for the sense of community traditionally found closer to home.
Still, these visions leave millions of traditional conservatives and committed libertarians without a natural home in either major political party.
Leaving aside the question of tactical voting to keep Clinton from wrecking the Supreme Court, the challenge facing conservatives and libertarians is larger than Trumpism.
Yuval Levin points to a solution: denationalize our politics.
Levin, the editor of National Affairs, argues in his brilliant new book “The Fractured Republic: Renewing America’s Social Contract in the Age of Individualism,” that both parties are besotted with nostalgia for the mid-20th century. Conservatives tend to stress the social cohesion of 1950s America (or its seeming renaissance under Ronald Reagan), while liberals yearn for the economic security of the 1960s. Although they have different goals, leading Republicans and Democrats alike want to go back to the way things were — and they think they can take us there from Washington. Trump says he’ll cut deals in the Oval Office that will make America great again; Clinton promises “universal” everything (education, retirement, health care) to restore the American Dream.
Levin argues that this is folly. The institutions that work best in 21st-century America are those that give us choices. No one simply lives in the United States of America. We live in Peoria, Harlem and Seattle. The virtues built close to home, Levin argues, are those that make us good citizens and ultimately draw us together.
What would be so terrible about letting diverse communities decide how they want to live and spend their tax dollars? The culture wars would still rage, but at least the winners would have to look the losers in the eye. As it stands now, the federal government, mostly through unelected judges and bureaucrats, thinks it can best determine how more than 300 million people should live.
The cure for powerlessness is power, not ceding even more of it to Washington. This is the only way to cut the Gordian knot choking our politics, and the best path forward for opponents of statism — in all parties.

Denationalizing Our Politics Would Help Draw Us Together


Nationalism and socialism are in full gallop in America today while conservatives are without a horse.
Donald Trump almost never uses the language of traditional American conservatism, with its emphasis on classically liberal notions of limited government, constitutionalism, individualism and free trade. He prefers to talk about “strength” and “winning” while vowing to restore the “greatness” of yesteryear through his indomitable will.
Meanwhile, the Democratic Party is embracing socialism. Hillary Clinton doesn’t call herself a socialist the way her tormentor-competitor Bernie Sanders does, but Sanders has not only pulled her to the left, he’s revealed the heart’s desire of the activist base of the party. Still, even without Sanders' influence, Clinton’s worldview was always that of top-down technocracy.
Indeed, this is what unites Clintonism, Sandersism and Trumpism: the idea that the government in Washington is too weak. Get the right person in the White House and they’ll fix all our problems by bringing the malefactors to heel. They also all believe, as Trump says about health care, that the federal government has to “take care of everybody.”
All of these ideas and impulses have popular support. Millennials, recent polls show, are remarkably cool to capitalism and dismayingly receptive to socialism. The demographic base of the GOP — older white voters — agrees with Trump that entitlements should be left alone.
Much of the emotional strength of these appeals rests on the notion that America should be one large national community. (See Clinton’s book, “It Takes a Village.”) This, too, is Barack Obama’s worldview, on display since his 2004 Democratic convention speech about moving past red states and blue states. Obama’s second inaugural described a country in which the only two relevant actors are the individual and the state, with no institutions in between.
Given the hollowing out of civil society — caused by family breakdown, economic dislocation, declining volunteerism and church attendance, and the growth of the welfare state — documented by social scientists like my American Enterprise Institute colleague Charles Murray and Harvard’s Robert Putnam, it shouldn’t be surprising that millions of Americans are looking to Washington for the sense of community traditionally found closer to home.
Still, these visions leave millions of traditional conservatives and committed libertarians without a natural home in either major political party.
Leaving aside the question of tactical voting to keep Clinton from wrecking the Supreme Court, the challenge facing conservatives and libertarians is larger than Trumpism.
Yuval Levin points to a solution: denationalize our politics.
Levin, the editor of National Affairs, argues in his brilliant new book “The Fractured Republic: Renewing America’s Social Contract in the Age of Individualism,” that both parties are besotted with nostalgia for the mid-20th century. Conservatives tend to stress the social cohesion of 1950s America (or its seeming renaissance under Ronald Reagan), while liberals yearn for the economic security of the 1960s. Although they have different goals, leading Republicans and Democrats alike want to go back to the way things were — and they think they can take us there from Washington. Trump says he’ll cut deals in the Oval Office that will make America great again; Clinton promises “universal” everything (education, retirement, health care) to restore the American Dream.
Levin argues that this is folly. The institutions that work best in 21st-century America are those that give us choices. No one simply lives in the United States of America. We live in Peoria, Harlem and Seattle. The virtues built close to home, Levin argues, are those that make us good citizens and ultimately draw us together.
What would be so terrible about letting diverse communities decide how they want to live and spend their tax dollars? The culture wars would still rage, but at least the winners would have to look the losers in the eye. As it stands now, the federal government, mostly through unelected judges and bureaucrats, thinks it can best determine how more than 300 million people should live.
The cure for powerlessness is power, not ceding even more of it to Washington. This is the only way to cut the Gordian knot choking our politics, and the best path forward for opponents of statism — in all parties.


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